Lingtrül Péma Lungtok Gyatso

As a student of Düdjom Lingpa, Jü Mipham Gyatso (1846–1912) and of other great Katok teachers, Lingtrul Pema Lungtok Gyatso was among the most accomplished Nyingma masters in Golok in the latter half of the nineteenth century.

A Katok-Tradition Disciple from Golok’s Wangda Clan

Also known as Golok Wangda’i Lingtrul, Lingtrul Pema Lungtok Gyatso was born in 1856 into Golok’s Wangda clan, a community of several hundred pastoral households settled along the left bank of the Mar Chu near Wangda Monastery. Since its establishment in 1493 by Golok Lama Chöbum as a branch of Katok Dorjé Den in Kham, Wangda Monastery had served as the clan’s principal religious institution and as a conduit for Katok’s distinctive Nyingma scholastic and terma traditions. Through his paternal lineage, Pema Lungtok Gyatso was also affiliated with the Ling family, traditionally regarded as descending from the warrior-king Gésar of Ling—a connection that conferred both symbolic prestige and cultural authority within Golok society.

Pema Lungtok Gyatso belonged to what may be described as the second generation of Düdjom Lingpa’s close disciples in the Mar Chu Valley. Düdjom Lingpa had arrived in the region in 1857, at the invitation of a prosperous local trading family, and soon attracted students from several of Golok’s eight major tribal groupings. During the first decade of his residence, a core circle of disciples coalesced around him, including Hor Püntsok Tashi (c. 1835–1893) and Horla Péma Tashi (c. 1840–1890s) of the Hor clan, together with Goser Önpo Khyenrab Gyatso (c. 1840–c. 1910), Gili Ngawang Gyatso (1841–1893), Ngawang Trinlé (c. 1841–c. 1910), and Lama Tséchu (1850–c. 1890). These figures formed the nucleus of practitioners who assisted Düdjom Lingpa in documenting and transcribing his four principal terma cycles. As his reputation grew—particularly under the epithet ‘the Gili Family Tertön’—disciples from the Wangda clan increasingly sought him out, among them the eminent Katok scholar Alak Do Ngak Gyatso (1824–1902), followed in due course by the younger Péma Lungtok Gyatso.

The Mar Chu, described in local lore as ‘a vein of life’, flows through expansive grasslands, forested gorges, and remote highland valleys that have long been regarded as especially conducive to contemplative practice. For Düdjom Lingpa, this landscape provided both the physical and visionary setting for the unfolding of his life as a tertön, shaping the devotional and institutional networks that formed around him.

Around 1875, when he was still in his late teens, Péma Lungtok Gyatso left Wangda Monastery and traveled down the Mar Chu to Düdjom Lingpa’s encampment at Mardo Tashi Chöling. His journey followed the precedent set by Alak Do Ngak Gyatso, who had become one of Düdjom Lingpa’s disciples more than a decade earlier. There, Péma Lungtok Gyatso received extensive empowerments, oral transmissions, and pith instructions, gradually distinguishing himself through his commitment, aptitude, and reliability. Over time, he emerged as one of Düdjom Lingpa’s closest disciples and was formally recognized as a chödak, or dharma custodian, entrusted with the preservation and transmission of his teacher’s terma revelations.

Requesting Düdjom Lingpa’s Nang Jang Revelation in Written Form

Düdjom Lingpa’s visionary revelations articulate the complete trajectory of the Tantric Buddhist path, from foundational ngöndro exercises to imaginal identification with deities to the culminating contemplative techniques of Kadak Trekchö (‘cutting through to primordial purity’) and Lhündrup Tögal (‘crossing over to spontaneous presence’) whereby phenomenal reality’s inherent emptiness and luminous display is conclusively realized.

With regard to Trekchö, Düdjom Lingpa received extensive guidance through visionary encounters with enlightened beings—including Avalokiteshvara, Manjushri, Vajrapani, Samantabhadra, Guru Rinpoché, Yéshé Tsogyal, Vajrayogini, Ekadzati, Shri Simha, Longchen Rabjam, Saraha, and many others—who imparted direct instructions on the nondual nature of consciousness. These revelations were initially transmitted orally, and his students repeatedly urged him to render them in textual form.

Soon after their first meeting, Düdjom Lingpa designated Péma Lungtok Gyatso as a prophesied chödak, or custodian, of his revealed teachings. In this capacity, Péma Lungtok Gyatso formally requested that Düdjom Lingpa commit to writing the four pure vision (daknang) and terma cycles revealed during the first five years of his activity in the Mar Chu Valley (1857–1861), thereby safeguarding their continuity and precise transmission.

Although it is not part of an explicit terma cycle, one of Düdjom Lingpa’s earliest visionary unfoldings was the Rangzhin Dzogpachenpo'i Rangzhal Ngöndu Jepé Dampa Magom Sangyé, ‘Buddhahood Without Meditation: The Instruction on Directly Manifesting the True Face of the Natural Great Perfection’, which, as a treatise on the Dzogchen practice of Trekchö, became widely known as the Nang Jang, ‘Refining Perception’. The text emphasizes the spontaneous liberation of appearances and mental impressions into undifferentiated nondual wisdom display, and remains one of Düdjom Lingpa’s most well-known revelations.

Although the visionary transmissions occurred from the year 1857 through the 1860s, it was not until the late 1870s—more than a decade later—that Péma Lungtok Gyatso undertook the task of systematically rendering Düdjom Lingpa’s oral account of the Nang Jang into coherent textual form, culminating in fully articulated sadhanas. According to the colophon, the written recension of the Nang Jang was composed in response to the repeated exhortations of Péma Lungtok Gyatso and Düdjom Lingpa’s earlier disciple Goser Önpo Lama Khyenrab Gyatso. Düdjom Lingpa describes them as ‘two incarnate teachers connected to me across many lifetimes through shared karma and aspiration’. He further states that he codified the teachings from ‘the treasury of the vast expanse of the display of magical illusion’, noting that it was the first occasion upon which the auspicious circumstances came together for the teachings to be committed to writing. He adds that his son, the ‘excellent scholar Sönam Tenzin (Dodrubchen Jikmé Tenpé Nyima)’, reviewed and refined the final manuscript. With respect to its intent, Düdjom Lingpa writes that the Nang Jang directly points out ‘the supreme pristine awareness, which is total omniscience’.

The Nang Jang rapidly became the principal manual of Trekchö practice within Düdjom Lingpa’s lineage. While Dodrubchen Jikmé Tenpé Nyima was formally appointed as final editor, it is widely acknowledged that Péma Lungtok Gyatso bore primary responsibility for the organization, composition, and linguistic refinement of the text, ensuring the precision of its meaning, terminology, and orthography.

As later affirmed by Düdjom Jigdrel Yéshé Dorjé (1904–1987), one of Düdjom Lingpa’s subsequent incarnations, the Nang Jang was prepared ‘as an inexhaustible treasury of the Buddha’s teachings, a sacred relic of the dharmakaya, and a direct transmission of Düdjom Lingpa’s distinctive approach to Dzogchen—so powerful that even hearing it read aloud ensures that the listener will ultimately escape the suffering of samsara.’

Transforming Termas and Visions into Written Form

Pema Lungtok Gyatso was also involved in the transcription of the Daknang Yéshé Drawa, ‘Wisdom Net of Pure Visions’, a ‘pure vision’ cycle that Düdjom Lingpa revealed in 1857 following a dream vision of Manjushri, the Bodhisattva of Wisdom. Daknang, or ‘pure visions’, derive from spontaneous visionary encounters with Tantric deities, buddhas, bodhisattvas, lineage masters, or ḍakinīs in dreams and waking visions. In addition to other teachings, the Daknang Yéshé Drawa includes five extensive expositions on Dzogchen—the culmination of the Vajrayana path—which later tradition has consistently identified as among Düdjom Lingpa’s most incisive and experientially efficacious revelations.

In 1859, Düdjom Lingpa revealed several khajang (inventorial texts) and uncovered related terma objects in the Mar Chu region. Shortly thereafter, he traveled with a small circle of disciples to his birthplace in the Ser Chu Valley, where he disclosed a sater, or ‘earth treasure’, entitled the Zabsang Khandro Nyingtik, ‘Profound Doctrine of the Heart Essence of the Dakinis’. More than a decade later, in the late 1870s, Péma Lungtok Gyatso formally requested that Düdjom Lingpa transform this earlier oral transmission into complete liturgical texts. This request resulted in the composition of the terdak sadhana Yishyin Khorlo Aparé Sokwang Nangsi Wangjé and its complementary nordak practice, Apar Karpö Solchö Dögü Lhündrub, both belonging to Düdjom Lingpa’s Aparatsitta (Amitayus) longevity cycle. In this instance, as in others, Péma Lungtok Gyatso functioned not merely as a petitioner but as an exegetical catalyst, shaping the circumstances under which visionary material was stabilized in textual form.

A similar pattern recurs with Düdjom Lingpa’s most celebrated terma cycle. In 1861, he received a spontaneous vision of the Thousand Buddhas of the Fortunate Eon, as described in the Bhadrakalpikasutra. This experience gave rise to the Chönyi Namkha Long Dzö, ‘Vast Space Treasury of the Nature of Reality’, widely regarded as the most comprehensive of Düdjom Lingpa’s four major terma cycles. Again, it was only in the late 1870s—more than a decade after the original visionary event—that Péma Lungtok Gyatso pressed for its systematic textual articulation. Acting as both requester and, at times, scribe, he facilitated the production of a wide range of practices within this cycle.

These included Guru Rinpoché sadhana rites such as Guru Loden Choksé Kyi Chakgya Dorjé Nenpo and the Dorjé Phurba (Skt. Vajrakilaya) practice of Dorjé Shyönnü, Palchen Dorjé Shyönnü Gabdön Sokgi Yangtik Gi Yangtik Dorjé Gotrab. He also played a central role in the codification of Vajrayogini practices, notably Yéshé Kyi Khandro Dorjé Naljormé Wangchok Minjé Wanggi Chugyü and Yéshé Khandro Dorjé Naljormé Tsawé Drubpa Yishyin Wangyal.

That Péma Lungtok Gyatso initiated many of these requests while still in his teens is significant. His sustained insistence created the practical and karmic conditions for Düdjom Lingpa and his inner circle to convert ephemeral visionary transmissions into authoritative ritual and contemplative manuals. Through this process, Péma Lungtok Gyatso emerged as a pivotal editor–exegete, ensuring not only the textual integrity of Düdjom Lingpa’s termas, but also their viability as living traditions transmitted beyond the lifespan of their revealer and his first generation of disciples.

Propagating the Chö Practice of Tröma Nakmo

The religious milieu surrounding Düdjom Lingpa during his years in the Mar Chu Valley was marked by visionary intensity and collaborative textual activity. His daknang revelations—initially transmitted orally within a small circle of close disciples—were gradually rendered into stable written form through the concerted efforts of several exceptionally capable students. Among them, Péma Lungtok Gyatso emerged as a central figure, occupying a pivotal position at the intersection of revelation, redaction, and interpretation.

Düdjom Lingpa’s terma cycle Chönyi Namkha Long Dzö, ‘Vast Space Treasury of the Nature of Reality’, the fourth of his four principal revelations, contains many of the most widely practiced sadhanas of Tröma Nakmo, the Tibetan iteration of the fierce, demon-slaying, Indian goddess Krodha Kali. Between 1862 and 1871, during extended periods of retreat at Dröpuk Khandrö Düling, above the Mar Chu, Düdjom Lingpa and his closest disciples worked to codify substantial portions of this cycle. This process continued after the community relocated upriver to what later became known as Mardo Tashi Chöling, where Düdjom Lingpa remained with his inner circle until 1880.

A decisive moment in the consolidation of Tröma Nakmo Chö practice occurred in 1874, when Düdjom Lingpa received a visionary transmission from Saraha, the preeminent Indian mahasiddha associated with the early formation of Vajrayana and Mahamudra. Saraha, famed for his iconoclastic dohas and uncompromising pith instructions, imparted clarifications and empowerments related to the Chönyi Namkha’i Long Dzö terma that Düdjom Lingpa had first revealed in 1861. This encounter resulted in the Saraha Nyingtik Zabmo, ‘Profound Heart Essence of Saraha’, which was subsequently integrated into the larger terma cycle.

Düdjom Lingpa characterized the Saraha Nyingtik Zabmo as mengak—pith instructions—for directly encountering the fundamental nature of reality and for severing hope and fear rooted in reified mental states. Among his close disciples, it was Chuktsang Dorjé Zangpo (1850s–1890s) who requested that these teachings be set down in writing, with Hor Püntsok Tashi serving as scribe. The text articulates a radical deconstruction of dualistic cosmology, instructing practitioners to examine gods, demons––a preoccupation of rural communities across the Tibetan plateau––and other apparitional entities by tracing their origin, location, and dissolution, thereby recognizing their lack of inherent existence. In Saraha’s formulation, all joys and sorrows are dreamlike manifestations of mind, and demons are nothing more than conceptual imputations. The decisive recognition of this emptiness engenders unwavering confidence in the fluid nature of reality and mastery over the dynamic displays of pristine awareness.

These instructions form a doctrinal foundation for Chö, understood as cutting through self-identification and conceptual fixation, in Saraha’s terms the ‘severing of maras’. Saraha’s injunction not to seek any divinity other than one’s own pristine awareness became a cornerstone for the Tröma Nakmo sadhanas, grounding their wrathful imagery in nondual realization rather than ritual reification. (Saraha states in the terma that ‘you will come to the decisive recognition that there are no demons other than discursive thoughts.’)

Over time, several of Düdjom Lingpa’s heart disciples felt that the profundity and density of the Saraha Nyingtik Zabmo warranted a comprehensive exegetical treatment. Although the final commentary did not appear until the 1890s or later, it was Pema Lungtok Gyatso—acting with Düdjom Lingpa’s explicit blessing—who undertook this task. The resulting work, Saraha Nyingtik Drelpa, ‘Commentary on the Saraha Nyingtik’, later rendered into English as An Ambrosial Ocean: A Clear Guide to the Close Lineage of Chö Practice, is an extensive, line-by-line exposition comprising over seven hundred pages.

In the commentary, Péma Lungtok Gyatso states that his aim was to illuminate hidden meanings, clarify obscure points, and present the material in a comprehensive and pedagogically coherent order, relying explicitly on the root terma and on pith instructions received directly from Düdjom Lingpa. While the root Saraha Nyingtik is structured around thirteen thematic sections—ranging from reflections on human existence, impermanence, karma, and bodhicitta to advanced practices involving fear-inducing environments (nyensa) and the ritual abandonment of the body connected with ‘four feasts’—Péma Lungtok Gyatso reorganized his commentary into four overarching divisions: the historical origins of the teaching, its doctrinal profundity, methods for internalizing its meaning, and the results of successful accomplishment.

In the colophon of the Saraha Nyingtik Drelpa, Péma Lungtok Gyatso records that, through the completion of this exegetical work, Düdjom Lingpa formally proclaimed and enthroned him as the chödak of the Tröma Nakmo doctrine. Editorial mastery thus became inseparable from institutional authority: through the act of clarification, systematization, and faithful transmission, Péma Lungtok Gyatso was recognized not merely as a scribe or commentator, but as the principal doctrinal custodian of one of Düdjom Lingpa’s most consequential revelatory lineages.

The Editor of Namtar Shyal Sungma, Düdjom Lingpa’s Outer Life Story

Péma Lungtok Gyatso’s role in rendering the Nang Jang and the Saraha Nyingtik Drelpa into authoritative written form extended naturally to Düdjom Lingpa’s autobiographical writings. In the 1890s, Düdjom Lingpa was inspired by Ekajati to compose both inner and outer versions of his life story (namtar), intended respectively for close disciples and for a wider audience. By 1896, when Düdjom Lingpa was sixty-one years old, the principal outer autobiography—the Namtar Shyal Sungma—remained incomplete.

On the night of the fifteenth day of the final winter month, Düdjom Lingpa experienced a dream vision in which Yéshé Tsogyal appeared amid mist and rainbows and addressed him with an urgent exhortation:

‘Kyé! Listen, my child, and I will give you profound advice in a few words. Composing your life story accords with the tradition of the Buddhas of the past. For the sake of your excellent, fortunate disciples, do not procrastinate! Quickly complete your life story. Let Gyalsé Shenpen Tayé and Réchung Dorjé Drak correct any faults in your writing.’

Düdjom Lingpa replied with evident perplexity:

‘Gyalsé Shenpen Tayé has already advanced to the pure lands, and Réchung Dorjé Drak has done the same. They are unavailable—what do you mean?'

Yéshé Tsogyal responded by revealing their contemporary embodiments:

‘É Go Na! Gyalsé Shenpen Tayé has taken rebirth as Dongrik Lingtrul Pema Lungtok Gyatso . If he does not repeatedly apply himself to longevity practice, he will not live long and will depart for basic space. Réchung Dorjé Drak has taken rebirth as Dongrik Kyenrab Gyatso, also known as Goser Önpo Khyenrab Gyatso. If he does not remain in unfixed mountain retreats, he too will not have the fortune of long life. Therefore, do not delay––quickly write and complete your life story.’

Through this revelation, Yéshé Tsogyal explicitly identified Péma Lungtok Gyatso and Goser Önpo Lama Khyenrab Gyatso as karmically destined editors of Düdjom Lingpa’s outer autobiography. The invocation of their former lives was not incidental: it functioned to legitimize their authority as transmitters and composers of the tertön’s life narrative.

Réchung Dorjé Drakpa—better known as Réchungpa (1084–1161)—was the foremost yogic disciple of Jetsün Milarépa and a central figure in the Gurbum, the Hundred Thousand Songs. Later biographies characterize him as Milarépa’s ‘moon-like’ disciple, second only to Gampopa, the ‘sun-like’ monk. Following his years with Milarépa, Réchungpa is said to have studied in India with the yogin Tipupa, receiving advanced instructions called the ‘Nine Cycles of the Formless Dakini’, as well as teachings from Machik Drupé Gyalmo (Siddharajni) on the longevity practice of Amitayus and from other unnamed wisdom dakinis. By identifying Goser Önpo Lama Khyenrab Gyatso as Réchungpa’s rebirth, the vision emphasized his yogic pedigree and suitability as an editor of visionary and experiential material.

Likewise, Péma Lungtok Gyatso’s karmic association with Gyalsé Shenpen Tayé (1800–1855 or 1869/70)—a highly influential figure connected with Dzogchen Monastery in Kham and a key agent in the revitalization of Nyingma scholasticism in eastern Tibet during the nineteenth century—underscored his aptitude for careful composition, philological precision, and doctrinal clarity. This inherited disposition was understood to have matured into the refined editorial skills that enabled him to translate Düdjom Lingpa’s orally transmitted visionary accounts into lucid and enduring prose.

By the late 1890s or early 1900s, Düdjom Lingpa had fully committed himself to completing his autobiographical writings with the assistance of Péma Lungtok Gyatso and Goser Önpo Lama Khyenrab Gyatso. Although practical responsibilities delayed the process, the Namtar Shyal Sungma was eventually brought to completion, with Péma Lungtok Gyatso serving as its principal editor.

In the colophon, he signed the work with customary rhetorical self-deprecation,

‘Written by the one who vainly imagines himself to be slightly trained in the treatises of both the Nyingma and Sarma traditions, known as the man of only three concerns—eating, sleeping, and defecating—Péma Lungtok Gyatso, or by another name, Lobzang Tenpé Gyaltsen . May all be entirely virtuous!’

This colophon encapsulates both the humility expected of a lineage editor and the quiet authority that Péma Lungtok Gyatso had by then attained: an authority grounded not only in proximity to revelation, but in the disciplined labor of ordering, clarifying, and preserving a tertön’s life and teachings for future generations.

Past Lives and Further Studies

In Golok just as in all of Tibet, it was customary to explain exceptional aptitude in the present life through propensities carried over from previous incarnations. Péma Lungtok Gyatso was accordingly identified by some as an emanation of King Trisong Déutsen (ruled 742–c.800; or 755–797 according to Chinese sources), the thirty-eighth king of Tibet, second of the three great religious kings, and a principal disciple of Guru Rinpoché. Others regarded him as an emanation of the Fifth Dalai Lama, Ngawang Lobsang Gyatso (1617–1682), one of the most influential figures in Tibetan history and a covert practitioner of Dzogchen. In his outer autobiography, Düdjom Lingpa further recounts Yéshé Tsogyal’s 1896 visionary proclamation that Pema Lungtok Gyatso was an emanation of Gyalsé Shenpen Tayé (1800–1855 or 1869/70), the influential nineteenth-century master associated with Dzogchen Monastery in Kham.

While maintaining Düdjom Lingpa as his root guru, Péma Lungtok Gyatso actively sought instruction from other leading masters in Golok and Kham during the turbulent closing decades of the nineteenth century. He received incisive teachings on Shantideva’s Bodhicaryavatara from the Fourth Shechen Gyaltsab, Gyurmé Pema Namgyal (1871–1926), himself a disciple of Gyalsé Shenpen Tayé. These studies strengthened Pema Lungtok Gyatso’s grounding in Madhyamaka reasoning and ethical discipline, complementing his immersion in visionary and ritual traditions.

During the 1890s, Péma Lungtok Gyatso also studied intensively with the renowned Nyingma polymath Jü Mipham Gyatso (1846–1912). At the time, relations between the Nyingma and Geluk schools were marked by sharp doctrinal rivalry. A particularly contentious debate arose over Ju Mipham Gyatso’s interpretation of the ninth chapter of the Bodhicaryavatara, in which he argued that döndam, ‘ultimate truth’, is devoid of defining characteristics. This position directly challenged the Geluk understanding, grounded in Jé Tsongkhapa’s (1357–1419) assertion that while rangzhin, or ‘inherent existence’, must be negated, ultimate truth, i.e. the absence of inherent existence, itself is not subject to negation.

Criticism of Ju Mipham’s position was advanced most forcefully by the eminent Geluk scholar Pari Lobzang Rabsal (1840–c.1912) of Amdo. In response, Pema Lungtok Gyatso—together with Katok Situ—requested Ju Mipham to compose a formal refutation. At the time, Ju Mipham Gyatso was residing in Dzachuka. With no system of postal delivery, the completed refutation was carried on horseback from Dzachuka to Wangda Monastery, where Péma Lungtok Gyatso was then based. He subsequently undertook the journey to Amdo himself to present the text directly to Pari Lobzang Rabsal.

Initially, Pari Lobzang Rabsal responded aggressively toward Ju Mipham’s critique. However, after studying the refutation closely, he was impressed by the precision and rigor of its reasoning and subsequently refrained from further attacks on Ju Mipham’s philosophical position. The episode enhanced Péma Lungtok Gyatso’s reputation as a mediator capable of navigating high-stakes doctrinal disputes with both courage and discernment.

During this same period, Péma Lungtok Gyatso cultivated close ties with Düdjom Lingpa’s sons. In the 1890s, he studied with the tertön’s eldest son, Dodrubchen Jikmé Tenpé Nyima, who was based at Dodrubchen Tsangchen Monastery in the lower Do Chu Valley. The monastery had been founded by the Second Dodrubchen, Dodrubchen Jikmé Püntsok Jungné, earlier in the nineteenth century when the monks of its mother monastery, Dodrubchen Yarlung Pémakö in Serta, fled north to escape the marauding army of Nyarong Gönpo Namgyal.

From 1898 onward, Péma Lungtok Gyatso also developed deep respect for Düdjom Lingpa’s younger son, Tulku Drimé Özer (1881–1924). By 1900, Péma Lungtok Gyatso had formally become a chödak of Tulku Drimé Özer’s terma teachings and played an active role in supporting the woodblock printing, and propagation, of Düdjom Lingpa’s revealed corpus.

Independent Writings and Future Lives

Alongside these activities, Péma Lungtok Gyatso composed several works of his own. These included a clear and systematic exposition of the nine yanas, or progressive approaches to practice within the Nyingma tradition, as well as a collection of ritual and contemplative practices centered on Tara, revered as the mother of all buddhas. Perhaps his most famous and still preserved works in today’s Golok is his exposition of the refuge.

In his outer autobiography, Düdjom Lingpa recounts being warned by Yeshé Tsogyal in a dream vision that Péma Lungtok Gyatso needed to engage diligently in longevity practices to avert an untimely death. Although he had transcribed and practiced Aparatsitta (Amitayus) longevity sadhanas connected with Düdjom Lingpa’s terma revelations, he could not forestall his death forever. Although the precise date remains uncertain, Péma Lungtok Gyatso passed away in Golok in the early decades of the twentieth century. By then, he had attracted numerous disciples at Wangda Monastery and from across Golok and neighboring regions.

Legacy of distinguished students

While many of his independent writings have since been lost, his legacy endured through two of his most distinguished students. Ling Lama Chökyi Dorjé founded Tra Ling Monastery in Central Tibet and became widely known as the ‘Milarepa of Golok’ due to his depth of realization. Another outstanding disciple, Lama Jiklo, studied with Pema Lungtok Gyatso for only three years. Yet at his death, he was found naked in meditation posture, his body having shrunk to the length of a forearm, appearing as a perfect miniature form. The event drew crowds from throughout the region and was widely recounted as a sign of profound spiritual attainment.

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